Backway to Europe is a podcast series produced in collaboration with Gambian advocates and activists. It centers their analyses of the border regime through their direct experiences of “the backway” — the local term for the illegalized route to Europe. These experiences resonate with many who have attempted to reach Europe across West Africa and beyond.
The first part of the series, composed of seven episodes, features members of Youth Against Irregular Migration (YAIM), an advocacy organization founded by young Gambians who met in a Libyan detention center. Through their reflections, the series explores why regular migration is often unattainable; documents the journeys, detentions, and returns of migrants; and examines how “return and reintegration” policies are lived, negotiated, and resisted. It considers why the backway remains a widespread response to the economic and structural challenges faced by Gambian youth, and what it means to conduct migration advocacy from an African perspective.
The project emerged from an ongoing dialogue between YAIM and Viola Castellano, an anthropologist researching European border externalization policies. The podcast builds on themes identified by YAIM in their advocacy. Castellano provides contextual notes on visa regimes, border infrastructures, and EU externalization, while the core analysis and narration are driven by the participants’ testimonies and political reflections.
Each episode is accompanied by a full transcript to foster deeper engagement with the speakers’ arguments, along with an annotated bibliography designed to support students and researchers working on related topics.
Episode 1 begins where the story itself begins: with the hyper-restrictive European visa system for Gambian nationals that renders the backway the only viable option for many. It explains why obtaining a visa is almost impossible and sets the stage for later episodes, which show how European influence on Gambian national politics operates through global and historically layered inequalities that perpetuate neocolonial dynamics.
Transcript of Episode 1: Visa
Footnotes by Viola Castellano
My name is Tijan Jerju, Fatou Cham, my name is Fatou Darboe, Fatou Bojang from Gambia, lLamin Kotta, my name is Saikou Tunkara
Viola
I am Viola Castellano and this is Backway to Europe: Talking Borders and Migration with Gambians on the Move.
This podcast series is produced in collaboration with Gambian advocates and activists. It centers their analyses of the border regime through their direct experiences of “the backway”—the local term for the illegalized route to Europe. These experiences resonate with many who have attempted to reach Europe across West Africa and beyond.
In the next seven episodes, you’ll hear from members of Youth Against Irregular Migration (YAIM)1 , an advocacy organization founded by young Gambians who met in a Libyan detention center. The topics and discussions emerged from years of collaboration and are rooted in their advocacy work. I use my research as an anthropologist working on border externalization to provide context and put my findings in dialogue with YAIM’s reflections.
In this episode, we will discuss what the backway means and why there are no ways to travel to European countries regularly.
We are around a big oval table, in the meeting room of the Red Cross office of Latrikunda Sabiji, a district of the town of Serekunda, the busy economic hearth of The Gambia. Today it’s very hot, and from the window we can see a group of students with school uniforms gathering around the shade of the only tree of the courtyard.
Tombong
Yeah, basically, Youth Against Irregular Migration2 is a group of returnees that embarked on this journey years ago.
The main purpose or idea of forming this organization was like, we were very privileged to understand some of the risks and dangers involved in this irregular migration.
So us being a victim and also a survivor, we deem it necessary to form an organization to get back to the community and then to get back to people and talk to them, much especially the potential migrants that are more vulnerable in terms of access to information to understand some of the human rights violations that are involved in this irregular migration.
But not only that, but also, and so young people are linked to available opportunities within the country that can minimize the irregular migration journey.
Fatou Cham
As the earlier speakers mentioned, this group was formed in Libya during a very difficult time, when we were caught between life and death. We made a decision that, once we returned home, we would continue this group to raise awareness among young people about the dangers and hardships of the irregular migration journey—commonly known as “the backway.”
Fatou Bojang
Greetings to everyone. We are all returnees from Libya, and that’s where we initially formed this association. Since coming back, we have remained committed. We’ve visited many places, and the members see one another as true brothers and sisters—as if from the same mother and father. The group is thriving, and that is all I have to say for now.
Fatou Darboe
Yes, for my part, I have never embarked on this journey, but I am also a potential migrant.
I don’t know, I can change my mind any day and going.
And I also have other fellow youths or other brothers or sisters who want to embark on this journey. I have had a lot of stories on what is happening there, how females have been raped, men have been tortured and stuff.
So me being part of YAIM to advocate for what they are doing and to advocate for things that are happening on the way is a very good thing.
I believe like us advocating and showing people, we are not saying no one should not go, but these are the things that are happening in this way.3 This is the risk that you are putting your life into. That is all YAIM is doing now.
Viola
Backway is an interesting definition, it means to take an alternative route when the main one is obstructed. Like when you are stuck in traffic, you take the backway to your destination. It is both a shortcut and something that might imply an act of trespassing
Tombong
Like if I am going to give an example, for instance, this premises has a main entering gate,
but like all of a sudden when I come and then I jump over the fence to enter in these premises, like I could met with someone who might obstruct me or to tell me like what you did is very unlawful and then I can have anything that would be like you know, risk to my life.
So it’s similar to “back way” because it’s a route that is always against the main way that people use to do their movement or transaction.
Fatou Darboe
Okay, basically if you hear back way, it means taking a route that is not the formal way of using. Like we all know if I want to go to Europe today, I am going to have to look for a visa, go to the airport, take a plane and then go to Europe. There are other transits that I have to pass through.
But if all those routes are blocked or if I went and find a visa once, twice or three times, I could not get it.4 Then I will endeavour myself to go through another route because I want to go, I don’t want to stay.
So taking the other route, that is not documented. Sometimes you are documented but it is not the required document.
Sometimes you have your own passport and stuff but that is not the required document because the required document is visa.
Fatou Cham
When you hear the word ‘backway’, it usually means something illegal, because it’s not the right or official path. But as Viola said, sometimes the main road is blocked, and the taxi driver might take the backway to get you there faster. In that case, it’s a positive shortcut. But using the backway to cross from one country to another is differen, that’s not allowed. If you take that route, you’re hiding from authorities because you know it’s not legal or safe. No one is saying you shouldn’t travel, but there’s a difference between avoiding traffic and crossing borders the wrong way.
Lamin Kotta
If i took a backway especially Europe than I’m in danger, they must smuggle me, like example in Libya when you are going to Tripoli in the backway sometimes they put you in the back of the car, I don’t know how to call it in english, the trunk5, they put you there, so that means that if all your documents are correct, you can move in the front way without no problem, you’ll sit comfortable, nobody will stop you, but backway always facing smugglers-
Viola
But if the backway is so dangerous, why people decide to take it?
Tombong
For instance like me I cannot afford to say like the cost of visa and every transaction that I might do to ensure that I am qualified to take the right way.
Like for example Gambia here we don’t have an embassy you have to travel to Senegal to ensure that you know you have an appointment and everything.
So if you are not that much financially strong you know I don’t think you could be in a better position to say like okay let me just apply for a visa but instead you would intend to say like okay let me use the road that you know people are using
So you know we prefer to go in a route that you know probably will be live or dead but you know that would be the most affordable way to see ourselves in a place that can offer us a better life.
Viola
Just to give some context, the Gambia is one of the countries that have the highest rates of visa rejection to European countries of the entire world6. Unsurprisingly, is also amongst the 20 poorest countries in the world7. Due to its small size and the fact that is surrounded by Senegal, there are almost no European embassies and consular services in the Gambia, and those who want to apply for a Visa need to go to Dakar, a 2 to 3 day round trip that adds its costs to the one of the Visa, which by itself is more than the average monthly salary.
Lamin Kotta
And also like Tombong says you can have money you know like this is my last account my money my last balance.
So I want to use it to you know to go and find passport visa and some you know all those things.
So like I took that money and go to the embassy after the next minute the embassy just reject me you understand.
And you know that’s my last balance and that is loose game you know? You understand.
Tijan
And then if I told you to apply a visa the money that you spend from that visa if you are rejected the money is not refundable to you. They have already taken that money but the money is not refundable to you.
Fatou Darboe
Yeah and also to emphasize and add on to what they said.
When I’m finding a visa there are restrictions to it and also there are conditions you need bank statements guarantee accommodation and all those stuff.8
So me coming from a poor family I want to travel or I want to better the condition of my family. I feel like the currency there is like if I walk there two hours the currency I will get there compared to walking here for 10 hours. There is a huge difference I would prefer going.
Then if I want to leave but you are telling me conditions that I cannot because I’m from a poor family you are telling me a bank statement.
My mom does not have a bank account9. My father is poor we are all poor. So I cannot have a bank statement. I know if I go you will reject me. I would prefer the last money that I have.
I use it on the back way like they said
Saikou
For example you are asking 100,000 or more than 100,000 have to be in my account and even within the one week or one month you transfer that money to your account they will say that maybe this money is not your money.
You know maybe you loan it from somewhere from someone to put it to your account so that we can see that maybe you have that amount of money for you to go to while that money is not your money.
Upon your arrival in Europe you will return that money so they will reject you.
The other things is also many people they don’t have the much information or the needed information about this visa applying and those things.
If you ask many people they don’t even know where to apply a visa and those things so what they know is that to go to this back way.
Tombong
For me, if you ask me this visa issue, it all comes down to ignorance.
That is the ignorance that people don’t want to take on to see what are some of the ways to apply for a visa.
There are people applying for a visa and they are having a visa to travel.
That’s happening.
Saikou
And also when I say that many people don’t have more information about this visa issue because for example even me if you ask me and many people here you know for example I want to apply for a visa. So what do you think? How can I do this? You understand how I can do this so maybe the individual cannot give you the information that you need.
But if you ask me “I want to go to the backway” even me you come to the right now sitting me and find me sitting here, ask me “I want to go to backway” I can give you the information you want.
Like what others like what others because we sit at the gate and discuss it but the visas we don’t discuss the visas like that way because of why we don’t have enough information about the visas.
Viola
But who has the information on visa procedures? When I arrived in Serekunda for the first time I noticed many travel agencies with aeroplanes and flags of Western countries on their signs. These are agencies where brokers for visa procedures, so-called mediators or agents, can be recruited. But they are often ineffective and not to be trusted…
Saikou
You know and also the people’s the agents that are between you and the embassy because some of the times you go to this agency you know so they are the one who will be the mediator between you and the embassy.10
So you can even give your money to those people you will never even see them. They will lose so you will never even see them.
Tombong
Although like he said visa applying visa you can stand in a chance of winning you can stand in a chance of losing.
So I mean I feel that’s the same with this pathway because at some point you can stand a chance of winning.
You know what if like okay people that are in Germany they have already succeeded but they are bringing them back today. So if you ask those people how much they spend throughout their journey to Germany. It’s more than beyond what is required for a visa at some point because like for example one board will require for 30,000 Dalasi. So let’s say excluding that 30,000 Dalasi, how much have you spent between that interaction like for instance from Gambia to Mali to Burkina to Niger to Libya. It’s more than you know to say like 50,000 Dalasi.
So if you add up those you already scored 100,000 Dalasi you know.
Viola
But despite taking the backway ends up most of the time being much more expensive than trying to apply to a visa, for many young people it makes more sense to give their small savings to a smuggler than to an European bureaucrat
Lamin Kotta
Back way there is only three things.
You can lose your life, you can get into Europe, you can be captured. If the fourth one is there you can be deported like me.
So you take all those you sit and think all of those things you blast it on. So you will say OK let me just take the back way and risk my life. So anything that I have then it’s OK because you deserve it.
Tijan
For the back way there is no like loose, that’s why people are taking because of the visa that is given is so limited.
Fatou Darboe
It’s either you make it or you die or you are returned back to your country. Those are the three things so people prefer sacrificing.
You know most of us here have that fate.
You only die once or you like it’s either you die or you live or even if I’m here if my time to die comes I will die.11
Basically most of the youths or most of us believe what we believe. In going we know that if you die there it means you are destined to die there. So that is why people prefer risk in their life than risk in the last day have to be them to be rejected.
I would rather die struggling than die here in poverty. That is most that is most of them there.
Most of us believe. Let me die struggling. At least they will say he died as a hero or he died while trying.
Viola
Taking the backway means also embarking on a long journey, which outcome is deeply uncertain, as Fatou, Tijan and Saikou said, but that if taken step by step can be made somehow economically sustainable
Saikou
And many people here when they are going to this, when they are going to back way most of them don’t have enough money so they will start the journey.
So from there their families will help them to continue.
And some people when they go also you know so they will be working if I go up to Tunisia or up to Libya you know so I don’t have any money I will work in Libya if I have money I can proceed to go to another destination
Viola
However, there is only a way to avoid such human and financial costs: negotiating better visa policies with European countries
Tombong
So but again you know I think the government needs to revisit the movement of people in terms of applying for visas, because we are a country that is not big.
And then we don’t have some of this embassy within our country
So you have to go outside the country, like say Senegal, or another part of the country.
So I feel if the government is having this more bilateral agreement with the European countries you know in terms of the visa process that would be more easier.
And then people would be more aware or informed like you know you can apply for a visa and then you can stand in terms of winning a visa- to say like I want to go to this particular country or to say like you know I want to travel to Europe.
So I think it all comes down to advocating for people to understand you know we can still apply for a visa whilst not thinking of using the other channel.
Viola
In The Gambia, circular migration has been a way of life for centuries—a survival strategy tied closely to seasonal farm work. But in recent decades, both the colonial-era cash crop system and traditional subsistence farming have taken a hit. The structural adjustment policies promoted by the World Bank in the 1980s de-subsidized agriculture, while climate change has brought longer droughts and shorter rainy seasons, so the only time crops can really grow, making farming harder than ever. On top of that, global market pressures have devalued Gambian food exports, leaving many farmers struggling to make ends meet. For Tombong, the solution lies in smart policies: the government should help ensure that labour migration to the West supports farmers during the dry season, when local work dries up.
Tombong
So after selling my products and everything the little money I have that’s what I will sustain my family with. So meaning then you have to start it here to say like okay I will wait for another farming season to come that I can also you know try to see my hand of living.
So if the government has more institutions, more opportunities that young people can trust and be wrapped in, you know that could ease the movement of people to say like I will leave Gambia to go to Europe.
Then the aim and objective is to have a better life so that I can support my family back home.
So I think this is an issue that you know is very critical to my understanding and it is very sensitive and so like you know why people are moving.
We all have our different reasons. We all have our different thoughts why we want to live you know but again you know we cannot bring this together you know without the authorities that we all look up to.
So I think the government should be a body that we will all look up to to say like there is flexibility in every aspect of how people move on them and how people want to go about their life.12
You know, considering Gambia is a very small country you know why the development is still lacking, you know so this is something we need to ask ourselves.
Because if there is no development you know people will still use a way of how to develop their self either. So I think you know we need to sit around and talk about the issues and then government need to hear what we are saying
So and then in every country we have our stakeholders that are responsible in terms of like for example Minister of Foreign Affairs you know they can release their counterparts in Europe and so how can they have a flexibility in terms of how people can migrate to go to Europe in a very safe manner and also be documented there, to say like, they want to have a better life you know.
Saikou
So I think we have to look, we have to look into those things, the visas, because why I say that- this is the traveling people movement, you don’t have to make the movement difficult to people.
And we feel that as Africans it’s been very difficult for us to move from Africa here to go to Europe even within Africa.
You understand, so we think that the international migration laws, the laws which are international migration laws, they have to check on those laws.
You understand to make sure the movement is easier for all of us because we feel that we have been treated like a second class.
You understand for me and maybe the white man and some European country, even our airport here the way they will treat him. Treating him or her is not the way they will treat me.
So we have been feeling like we have been treated like a second class.
So we will go where the first class is, so we will all try to die just to be there.
This is the reason we are not treated like equal.
Viola
In the many times I went to the Gambia, I had never had to show a visa. At the airport I saw the same customs personnel treat Gambian citizens differently from the many Europeans who arrive. And European entities play a crucial part in this too, as I discovered in these years of research on how the EU externalized its borders in the Gambia. The airport staff has been trained by the European border agencies Frontex to monitor passengers and a biometric ID system called MIDAS was installed at the airport thanks to the International Organization for Migration and the financial support of EU countries13
Tombong
Why are Europeans coming to Africa with a free visa and then Africa going to Europe with a visa?
This is a question that we need to ask ourselves because if you see like you know we are having all this constraint to say like you know you need to have a bank statement.
You need to provide this, you need to have a guarantee, you need to have someone who will accommodate you if you are in Europe.
I believe this is a policy.
This is a policy that the Europeans made not Africa’s like for example not Gambia.
Like if it is a visa free to go to Europe then why people die.
How many young people have lost their lives since 2016 2015 to date14.
If it’s just a matter of buying your ticket and then seeing yourself in Europe or whatever destination you want to go in. But these are policies. These are you know laws that you know European people put.
You know this is not about Africans but this is about Europeans. Why define it so easy to come to Africa with that amount of time.
Because last time I was at the ministry, you know he even said, the government official, the permit that was given to them is only three days for this visa that will be given to them.15
As a government as a state you don’t have anything to say against that because we have no other option.
We either take it or leave it. So we have to.
This is something that you know is not the fault of us as a citizen but is beyond our control.
This is why people use different means.
If you ask that question why they are coming here without disturbing them and without no visa and those things.
Many people will tell you that because those people that are coming there most of them are tourists you know they will give money you know the money that they are bringing in the country.
Viola
Gambia is indeed one of the most touristy spots in West Africa for people coming from the UK and other northern european countries. They stay mainly confined in all inclusive resorts and hotels in the coastal area, with almost no interaction with the local population. Many of the touristy facilities are not even owned by Gambians, so we could say that the general population in the Gambia does not substantially benefit from European presence. But what about Gambians living in Europe, how do they contribute to local economies?
Saikou
Our people also contribute there.
They are giving money to them because of why? they pay tax.
They pay their rent you know and also they can make the level job easier for them. So they also are making contributions there.
Can you imagine how to come this backway now many people many young people are dying because of to go to this irregular migration.
The backway to Europe is because of why? visa is not easy because of why? we are not being treated like we the others are treated.
Or the way we are treating them because if they come here we treat them nicely and we welcome them.
And we expect that our people also if they go there they welcome them and they treat them nice.
You can see the European citizen can come to here likewise, Viola,
I’m not saying you because but you but the researchers, the researchers you know, these researchers, they can come here on the European citizen to come to go to our institutions, our working place, anywhere they will have access to it.
But you will hardly see as Gambian researchers go to Europe to do those things.
It’s very difficult. So we have to look into these things.
Fatou Darboe
And also there is a saying that says treat people how you want to be treated.
I believe Africans respect that statement very much because wherever you are from if you come to this country or if you are not even the Gambia, if you go to other African countries you are treated very well because if they want to come here.
If they want to go out they will be treated the same but that is not what is happening.
Come to the Gambia as a European or any country to use this highway go to most of the stops that you find there.
They are foreigners in Gambia. Gambians treat them very well.
If you go to check the stops you have Senegalese, Malians, those from other countries, they are the ones who own the shops in this country here.16
Because we treat them nice because we want to go to other countries to be treated the same way. But I believe people are not respecting that statement or that saying because we treat them fine.
If you go there if you go to these Arab countries as a woman you are being forced to sex, labour and all other stuff.17
And even within the African countries, some African countries like where they are being tortured, like Nigerian orders they are not respecting this.
Please we just want people to respect the same like treat people how you want to be treated.
If you want to come to my country you want me to treat you nice.
You want me to give you access to what you want to have your fundamental human rights.
If I go to your country please do the same. Try and treat me nice even if not 100% but at least let it be 50%.
But you come here I give you all the access I have been nice to you. Let me go to your country. The first thing you will do is insult me.
So let’s try and change the narratives.
As we said migration is a right we all have the right to migrate. If I want to go somewhere I have the right there is no one to say don’t go.
You have the right to say don’t enter my country but for me to migrate is a part of the fundamental rights for me to migrate.
If let’s forget about some sometimes let’s forget about the norms. Let’s bring humanity.
Sometimes it’s very sad if you watch some videos seeing how they are treating other humanity.
The color or the skin tone,is it’s something that is beyond us.You know we all cannot look alike even me and Fatou Bojangand the others we are all black but we have different types of blacks. We all have different skin tones and stuff. So you being white me being black does not mean you are better than me or I am better than you.
Let’s try and we are all from Adam as they said. So let’s try and work together and even if you are there I am here you are richer than me.
Just pass the humanity on. Yes that is all I want to say.
Tijan
And then still we are enslaved because the European Union makes it civilized way more than before.
Because before they come and force people to take what belongs to us and then they take it to Europe. But now they just take it as a civilized way.
If you come to migration the European came first before we go in there.18
I never read in history where you see there is a sink boat when coming to Europe from Europe to Africa.
Then why are there is a question that I am asking like we Africans taking this back of journey. This, the irregular migration from the sea and people are sinking.19
Why are people sinking?
Who is killing them?
I have a question to ask.
Tombong
The truth of the matter is we are still enslaved in the eyes of Europeans.
This is the truth of the matter.
Because like he said why all these restrictions are coming to Africa. For say like in the case of Gambia they will give us these loans and these grants as a debt.
I don’t know if they will bring their policies that would reform that.
Because you will see like okay, most recently this deportation20. They come with their agenda and everything.
And then what they stood to say like okay we are offering this government this so so so so so.
So we have no other say. We have no other say. We have to take it or leave it. So Europeans need to understand we are all humans.
When talking about history, Africa contributed a lot to where Europeans are today.21
So I think the least we can have from the European East at least gives us that way to also have a better life as Africans.
But if this is not happening then Africa will still be a hostage for European people.
Viola
When it comes to stopping undesired migration from countries like The Gambia, the EU has a clear playbook, which I studied in these years: use financial aid and diplomatic influence to push local governments into cooperation. European police forces and Frontex are on the ground, training Gambian migration officials and supplying them with the tools to tighten border control. At the same time, the EU works closely with international organizations to lobby the Gambian parliament into passing certain migration policies in exchange for development money. But, as Saihou pointed out, these policies often don’t serve the interests of the Gambian people—they serve Europe’s.
The Gambia is a small country with little leverage on the global stage. It’s heavily indebted and dependent on outside support. So, when Europe comes knocking with a “take it or leave it” deal, there isn’t really a choice.
Even policies that seem like they’re designed to help—like the initiative that promotes free movement in West Africa using biometric ID cards—have been heavily influenced and bankrolled by the EU. And ultimately, many argue they serve as yet another tool for Europe to monitor and control African mobility.
Saikou
The way things are going is not effective because some of the countries, I can say many of the countries, are not following this.
Even we have a biometric ID card but that does not mean we will not face and we will not encounter challenges or difficulties.22
For me the idea is good if we keep it or implement it well. It is good for us Africans also to go to other African countries, have a place to live there, have a business center and all of those things.
I think if we promote it and we promote it it will bring a big difference within the African continent because I can see the African within us are disconnected in terms of the languages and those things.
Having these ECOWAS free movement protocols, if we follow the protocol the way it is I think it will bring a big positive changes within the ecowas sub regions.
The problem is if you see these ECOWAS, the people that are supporting them I can say my colleague was saying that it’s not our idea but even it is our idea but the people that are supporting them these ecowas and those things
It translates to us like we the Africans, we cannot do things for ourselves because when you come to the terms of economics in EU and those things are the ones supporting them.
It’s something that we have to look into because that is why these European countries still dominate Africa because we are not economically independent so they can bring something to you.
If you don’t agree with it they will tell you that we will suspend you. We will not support you. We will not do this, they will bring money if you accept this we will give you this money we will support your country this money.
Which means they are dictating us because of why you know because of why we also are taking that is because we are poor we are poor and if you see we are poor you know being poor I can say that they also have a part of it.23
You know why I will say that they also have a part of it you know because when you come to Gambia here many many many project or many factories and those things is here is not even gambians
You know they can come to our Gambia here and sign an agreement with the government in our national resources they are benefiting from it the way the Gambia is benefited it will be very limited.
So that also is part of it the issues why even still now we are we are we are poor and the way they are supporting us they are not supporting us for us to do things for ourselves.
Viola
In this first episode, when explaining what is the backway, we touched upon many of the topics that will accompany us in the next episodes: visa restrictions and deadly border regimes, global inequalities, neocolonial political and economic relationships and the simple quest for the recognition of a common humanity that people on the move put forward. In the next episode, we will dig into the reasons behind the decision to leave and discuss how those who made it to Europe are seen by Gambian society.
This podcast series is made possible thanks to the participation of Fatou Bojang, Lamin Bojang, Fatou Cham, Madou Cissey, Fatoumata Darboe, Tijan Jerju, Lamin Kotta, Tombong Kuyate, Saikou Tunkara. It has been funded by the German Research Foundation and the Outreach Program of the University of Bayreuth. Editing and storytelling co-development by Daniele Lucchini and sound design by Ismael Lo and Daniele Lucchini. Conceptual guidance from Ian McCook. The voices in English when Fatou Bojang and Fatou Cham speak in mandinka are those of Samira Marty and Julia Leman. We warmly thank all colleagues and friends whose invaluable advice helped shape this series. Thank you for listening—we hope you’ll continue the journey with us.
1 When designing the project, I decided to contact YAIM because it is an organization that has already developed its own activities, vision, and advocacy work on migration. Working with people who had recently returned and assembling a new group would have been ethically and politically problematic, as they are often deeply traumatized and in a fragile socioeconomic situation. I therefore chose to approach YAIM, as its members have reflected on and articulated their experiences as returnees over several years and have developed a discourse that they actively share in villages, communities, and on radio programs. Although symmetrical relationships between migrants and researchers within the border regime are impossible, their enthusiastic response to the project and the opportunity they provided to build a relationship over several years made the project less extractive and brought it closer to a form of epistemic partnership. YAIM members were remunerated for their working hours in developing, recording, and editing the podcast.
2 For more information on the group, you can refer to this article on The New Humanitarian of 2018: https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/feature/2018/08/16/returning-libyan-detention-young-gambians-try-change-migration-exodus-mindset
3 There is a lively debate on how sensitization campaigns should be conducted in the Gambia, many of the topics around which it is structured will emerge in the course of the podcast. For scientific reference please see; Jinkang, A. (2022). European-funded information campaigns contrasting irregular migration from The Gambia. Perceptions Policy Brief (February 2022) and Jinkang, A., Cappi, V., & Musarò, P. (2023). “Back Way” Migration to Europe: The Role of Journalists in Disseminating Information Campaigns in The Gambia. Journal of Borderlands Studies, 38(6), 901-918. For a perspective on Senegal: Vammen, I. M. M. S. (2024). The Struggle Over Mobility Narratives: How Senegalese Activists use Alternative Information Campaigns to Contest EU Externalization. International Migration Review, 01979183241286746
4 On the difficulties for assuring a visa for European countries for Gambian citizens see also Gaibazzi, P. (2014). Visa problem: certification, kinship, and the production of ‘ineligibility’in the G ambia. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 20(1), 38-55.
5 People on the move cross land borders on smugglers pickup, hence Lamin’s remark on the back of the car.
6 The rate is 57% of refusal and has been uncovered by StateWatch, which released this EU leaked report: https://www.statewatch.org/media/4116/eu-com-visas-readmission-cooperation-annual-report-11941-23-add1.pdf
7 https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/poorest-countries-in-the-world
8 See all requirements Gambians are asked for Schengen visa here: https://dakar.diplo.de/sn-en/service/visa/schengen/visit
9 According to the latest World Bank report, only 38% of the male Gambian population has a bank account: https://www.ceicdata.com/en/gambia/bank-account-ownership/gm-bank-account-ownership-at-a-financial-institution-or-with-a-mobilemoneyservice-provider-male–of-population-aged-15
10 On the topic of visa brokerage, see the following two ethnographic volume: Alpes, M. J. (2016). Brokering high-risk migration and illegality in West Africa: Abroad at any cost. Routledge. Piot, C. (2019). The Fixer (p. 224). Duke University Press.
11 On the notion of destiny in relation to migration, see Cham, O. N. (2024). “Even if I am going to die, I must go”: Understanding the influence of predestination thinking on migration decision‐making in the Gambia. International Migration, 62(6), 45-58.
12 On the entanglement between visa, borders, colonialism and capitalism see Achiume, E. T. (2021). Racial borders. Geo. LJ, 110, 445.
13 On the coloniality of digital bordering see Iwuoha, V. C., & Doevenspeck, M. (2025). Biometric coloniality: digital consensus and the biometric state in Africa. Third World Quarterly, 46(12), 1413-1438.
14 According to the Missing Migrant Project, more than 33000 migrants went missing since 2014: https://missingmigrants.iom.int/region/mediterranean
15 The Gambia was sanctioned by the EU with further Visa sanctions and restrictions as the Gambian government refused to comply with massive deportations of its citizens from EU countries because of political and economic instability, see Zanker, F., & Altrogge, J. (2022). Protective exclusion as a postcolonial strategy: Rethinking deportations and sovereignty in the Gambia. Security Dialogue, 53(5), 475-493.
16 Especially in the urban area of Kombo, are many the stores, businesses and enterprises owned and managed by foreigners, especially other African nationals, Lebanese and Indians.
17 Human trafficking of especially women from West Africa to Golf countries has been documented since years, see https://www.icij.org/investigations/trafficking-inc/how-torture-deception-and-inaction-underpin-the-uaes-thriving-sex-trafficking-industry/
18 Tijan not only refers to European colonialism in The Gambia, but also to the Transatlantic Slave Trade, of which The Gambia was an hotspot, see Green, T. (2011). The rise of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589 (Vol. 118). Cambridge University Press.
19 Some African authors have drawned a direct parallel between slavery and the backway, see Ogu, P. I. (2017). Africa’s irregular migration to Europe: a reenactment of the transatlantic slave trade. Journal of global research in education and social science, 10(2), 49-69.
20 EU aid and support to The Gambia has been strictly tied to the government acceptance of Gambian deportees from EU countries. This approach is a feature of the new international cooperation framework of the EU, as in the words of the Commissioner for Internal Affairs and Migration, Magnus Brunner: “The Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument – Global Europe (NDICI-Global Europe)foresees a ‘flexible incitative approach’ to encourage cooperation on migration, including on returns, with 10% of funding earmarked for addressing the root causes of irregular migration and forced displacement and to supporting migration management and governance.” https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/E-10-2024-002960-ASW_EN.html
21 There is of course a vast literature on what Tombong is expressing here, one of the foundational text is the one written in 1972 by Walter Rodney titled How Europe underdeveloped Africa, available as pdf here: https://arxiujosepserradell.cat/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/How-Europe-Underdeveloped-Africa-by-Recorded-Books-Inc.Rodney-Walter-z-lib.org_.pdf
22 What Saihou is hinting at is the fact that a biometric passport doesn’t guarantee easier mobility within the Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS), especially for those who are suspected to move torwards Europe. As I was told by a EU officer in the Gambia, the Gambian Immigration Department has been trained by Frontex staff to profile and stop at border posts those suspected to travel the backway (mainly young males). On how the EU initiative aiming officially to facilitate free movement in the ECOWAS region through biometric passports results in enforced internal borders and increased data surveillance see Iwuoha, V. C. (2025). European Biometric ID Program in West Africa: Between European External Border Securitization and ECOWAS Free Movement. African Security, 1-32.
23 What Saihou is saying refers to decades long aid and loan conditionality on African countries exercized through IMF, World Bank and now increasingly through EU budget support to governments. This feature of postcolonial politics was already diagnosed and denounced by Kwameh Nkruma in 1965, in his famous text Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of imperialism, available for free here:https://mirror.explodie.org/nkrumah.pdf.
Illustration by Daniele Castellano, suggestion of scene depicted:YAIM
Abstract: Backway to Europe is a podcast series produced in collaboration with Gambian advocates and activists. It centers their analyses of the border regime through their direct experiences of “the backway” — the local term for the illegalized route to Europe. These experiences resonate with many who have attempted to reach Europe across West Africa and beyond. Episode 1 begins where the story itself begins: with the hyper-restrictive European visa system for Gambian nationals that renders the backway the only viable option for many. It explains why obtaining a visa is almost impossible and sets the stage for later episodes, which show how European influence on Gambian national politics operates through global and historically layered inequalities that perpetuate neocolonial dynamics.
